While
on a trip to the east coast from my home in Berkeley I get the news that yet
another Native American site on California's northwest coast has been
vandalized.
Between the 1780s - when Thomas Jefferson dug up a huge
cemetery containing a thousand human remains - and the 1970s, when the Red
Power movement began to put amateur and professional archaeologists on the
defensive, the discovery and excavation of native skeletons was promoted as
good sport, entrepreneurial initiative, and sound science. Minimally 600,000,
and maybe as many as one million, graves were excavated. Millions of artifacts
from graves ended up in museums, private collections, and cabinets of
curiosities, while body parts were sent to universities for scientific
analysis.
The looting of graves and illegal trading in native
artifacts for profit continue, despite an array of local, state, and federal
laws. Of twenty-four people currently under indictment in Utah for trading in
artifacts worth millions of dollars, two have committed suicide, as has the
federal government's key informant, Ted Gardiner, who witnessed the time
"diggers dug up a human skull and just tossed it aside." According to his son, Gardiner "saw a lot of
things that disgusted him." On the coast of northern California, where I spend
a great deal of time, small-fry looters regularly track down and dig up Yurok,
Tolowa, and Wiyot sites, hoping to strike it rich.
The legacy of two centuries of grave looting is a deep wedge of resentment between Native American organizations and the government that has only been slightly
alleviated by the efforts of universities, museums, and government during the
last twenty years to account for and, in some cases, repatriate human remains
and funerary artifacts. The U. S. Senate's recent apology for
"ill-conceived policies" and Obama's face-to-face meeting with
representatives of the country's 564 federally recognized tribes - "I get
it, I'm on your side," said the president - is a good beginning at
reconciliation.
But most tribes still do not feel that they can publicly
acknowledge sites of burial grounds for fear of looting, and the public record
is mostly silent on the history of desecration. Where are the memorials,
monuments, and ceremonies witnessing this tragic past? New York offers a
possible model.
The
Negros Buriel Ground, as it was called in colonial New Amsterdam in the 17th
and 18th centuries, was located outside the city's palisades in a few acres of
marshy, godforsaken land. Here, before sundown, Africans and their descendants
were allowed to bury their dead - perhaps as many as 15,000. By 1991, this same
piece of land was now prime real estate in Lower Manhattan, surrounded by
corporate offices and city hall, close to Ground Zero, the perfect site for the
new federal building at 290 Broadway. The huge 30-story building was opened in
1994, but its original conception was significantly changed following the
unearthing of human remains during the early phase of construction.
Today, the federal building is symbolically overshadowed by
its relatively small neighbor, the African Burial Ground National Monument that
was officially opened to the public on 5 October 2007. It's possible to visit
the federal building without walking past or seeing the monument. But with the
recent opening (27 February 2010) of the monument's companion Visitor Center on
the ground floor of the federal building, it's now almost impossible to ignore
the presence of a cemetery of slaves in the heartland of capitalism.
With public memorials to tragedies past, it's very difficult
to integrate heart and head. Typically, as in the case of the Vietnam Memorial
in Washington, D. C. or the Memorial to the Murdered Jews of Europe in Berlin,
they propel us into the "cool sepulcher of the past," as Walter
Benjamin put it, and provide an opportunity for sorrowful reflection. When
museums try to make us feel and think, as in the case of the Holocaust Museum
in the nation's capital, they typically fail: the flood of feelings crowds out
thoughtful engagement.
The African Burial Ground in New York manages to integrate
our senses and straddle the usual divide between affect and cognition. You can
pay your respects to the dead by entering the memorial, marked by a hefty,
tomb-like granite structure, then walking into a memorial circle, or standing
next to seven raised grassy mounds and seven newly planted trees where the
remains of 419 bodies have been re-interred. President Bush conferred upon the
memorial the status of a National Monument in February 2006. This means that
it's taken seriously: on the day that I visited the memorial last week, a
National Parks ranger was on duty and a Homeland Security van parked out front.
The nearby Visitor Center is geared up for teaching a steady
stream of schoolchildren, community groups, and tourists. Here, we learn - as
we did last year at the New York Historical Society's groundbreaking
exhibitions - about the importance of slavery to New York's economic
development and that the trading in human beings was a national, not Southern
tragedy. There is also detailed information about the daily lives of Africans
living in New York hundreds of years ago, the result of scientific analysis of
human remains made by anthropologist Michael Blakey and colleagues at Howard
University. Despite longstanding suspicion by African American organizations
towards scientists - remember the Tuskegee experiment? - a collaborative and
mutually respectful relationship was forged in this case. There's hope, then,
for partnerships between Native Americans and anthropologists, despite the calcified residue of distrust.
The Visitor Center includes considerable information about
the history of the memorial, in particular the role played by protest in
shaping its development and outcome: how community organizations forced
Congress to put a halt to excavations; how Mayor Dinkins established a Blue
Ribbon committee to propose models of remembrance; how hundreds of community
volunteers were trained to teach visitors about the site's history; how the
design of the memorial was a public process; and how the transportation from
Washington, D. C. and re-interment of human remains in New York was marked by
ceremonies of formal dignity. "You may bury me in the bottom of
Manhattan," said Maya Angelou at one such ceremony. "I will rise. My
people will get me out. I will rise out of the huts of history's shame."
This
visit to the African Burial Ground National Monument in New York leaves me
hopeful that it's possible to create memorials that are dignified and
educational, and that science can enhance the humanity of history. But as I
head back to California to work with a coalition to protect Yurok cultural
legacies on the northwest coast, I'm also mindful that it took almost twenty
years of struggle and political organizing to begin to do justice to New York's
enslaved past.
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